Anyone who wants to read the most fair and impartial article about the Egyptian revolution from its beginning until now should read the following report by Stephanie Thomas from Reuters. I agree with everything in this report 100 %. I hope you read this report impartially so you can judge for yourselves honestly and why we have reached where we are now.
A Reuters report stated that the current regime in Egypt will not remain in power for long, after it deliberately suppressed any opposition voices. Commenting on the current situation in Egypt five years after the January 25 Revolution that ousted former President Hosni Mubarak, Stephanie Thomas, the report's author, said, "As the Sisi regime's excesses continue, unexpected alliances will emerge to challenge the regime. Many of those who sympathized with the Muslim Brotherhood may ally with some civil and leftist movements." She added, "Some voices have begun to emerge in the media, and social media pages are currently filled with ridicule and criticism of the regime, which will contribute to the resumption of the revolutionary movement." She believes that "ultimately, Sisi's regime will go, probably not democratically, but she hopes that whoever comes to power next will fulfill the hopes of the Egyptians." While stating that "today, five years later, it can be clearly said that the Egyptian revolution has completely failed," the author noted that the post-revolutionary rulers "are no different at all from their predecessors throughout history." She said, "Egyptians have suffered from the mismanagement of Mohamed Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, who is considered Egypt's first democratically elected president." She attributed the reasons for the failure to “the desire to seize all aspects of power, secondly, which led to the political Islamist movement being portrayed in a very bad light. While she did not see Morsi as corrupt, he was incompetent. He was not a terrorist at all, as the current president (Sisi) and his group described him.” However, she did not hold Morsi alone responsible, saying: “Not only Morsi, but also liberal and secular figures, who failed to meet the expectations of the revolutionaries, focused primarily on their own personal interests rather than working to build strong alliances and parties that would lead to a competitive political climate. They themselves did not believe in the full democracy they had called for, choosing to return to violence and military rule rather than allowing the elected Morsi to remain in power.” She specifically criticized Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei, who was appointed vice president after the military ousted Morsi and who had been a part of the political scene for two full years. She said that he “simply posted a few tweets instead of actively participating in shaping the political process. He later joined the coalition formed by Sisi after Morsi’s ouster, before resigning a month later in protest of the Rabaa massacre, in which 800 Muslim Brotherhood members were killed by security forces.” She spoke about the role of Egyptian youth, who appeared more adept at mobilizing and organizing demonstrations online, but were unable to preserve any of the gains they had made. She said: “After a long battle with the military council after the revolution, many of these young people joined the demonstrations that brought the military regime back on June 30, 2013. A few of them even went so far as to demonstrate in support of Sisi after the army came to power. The friendship with Sisi did not last long before the youth returned to a state of discontent, while many of them were thrown into prisons and detention centers. She noted that "while covering the events of the January 25 Revolution in Tahrir Square, the revolution was a great source of inspiration for her, ultimately leading her to leave her job as a television reporter and move and settle in Egypt, witnessing the bright future ahead." The author previously lived in Egypt as an Arabic language student at the American University in Cairo in the 1990s, and her Tahrir Square campus, where she studied, became a key landmark in the Egyptian revolution. She said that after she moved to live in Egypt in September 2011, the romantic slogans that filled Tahrir Square during the revolution, such as “The army and the people are one hand,” and others, had completely ended, and that the state of trust in the military council that followed Mubarak in power had completely ended, with many events in which it proved its hostility to the revolutionaries, such as the Maspero events, in which army armored vehicles ran over Coptic demonstrators. With the Muslim Brotherhood sweeping the parliamentary elections, the powerless leftist and secular opposition groups were forced to focus solely on demonizing the Brotherhood. The author also believed that "many figures with a revolutionary streak were also a reason for letting Egyptians down," noting that when she left the country in June 2013, most of the people she knew at university supported the return of the military regime and even seemed more accepting of violence, as if it were a necessary measure, contrary to any liberal principles the world knew. The author described the Mubarak regime as "extremely generous compared to what is happening now, where the current regime justifies repression in the name of stability and security, bans demonstrations entirely, and even prevents or incapacitates the formation of political groups, while spreading an unprecedented state of polarization through the media." She explained that “one of the reasons that contributed to Sisi’s rise to power was the fear of the fate of neighboring countries, such as Syria, Libya, Yemen, and Iraq. This led many to prefer stability in any form, fearing that they would meet this dark fate. This led the regime to exploit this situation in the worst possible way, launching a widespread campaign of arrests against journalists and activists, in addition to numerous cases of enforced disappearances that the regime was unable to fully deny.” She described the discovery of the body of 28-year-old Italian doctoral student Giulio Regeni last week on a highway on the outskirts of Cairo, bearing numerous signs of torture, as “extremely disturbing, as such cases against foreigners have never been documented in Egypt before, while they continue to occur against Egyptians.” She said, "Despite the Italian authorities' efforts to uncover the mystery surrounding the incident, Regeni's family may never know exactly what happened to their son, like thousands of other Egyptians whose children have suffered similar circumstances." However, the author does not expect any change in events in the near term, as Sisi will continue to improve his image abroad without paying attention to his domestic situation. He will also enhance his image as the first and last dam standing against ISIS in Sinai. She noted that he will likely seek regional status in an alliance managing the current crises in Libya, Syria, and Yemen, to obtain more international support and more support from the army. Meanwhile, 90 million Egyptians will continue to face problems of rising prices, widespread unemployment, transportation, healthcare, and education, while governments are not held accountable.
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